Good possibility that Mathman is correct. North Korea rattles it sword whenever we impose santions against them and the recent sanctions by the UN may very well have been designed to bring out the fangs of the enemy and cause the loonies in the heiarchy to try and launch an attack against the U.S. Or perhaps, we are encouraging the saber rattling of North Korea to shift the world's focus to them, while our real intent is to attack Iran when they least expect it.

I believe a major war is imminent, and it may be just after the rapture. A time of great confusion is always an opportune time for the enemy to strike
and for a strong leader to step forth to bring order out of chaos.

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http://www.thesundaytimes.co.uk/sto/newsreview/features/article1230459.ece
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Countdown to catastrophe


Experts say armageddon, triggered by a Korean conflict sucking China and America into war, could be only four days away.


Michael Sheridan Published: 17 March 2013

Kim Jong-un could be driven to push the red button by demands for a show of strength from his generals

The time on the Doomsday Clock is five minutes to midnight. So says the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, which created the clock in 1947. Nowhere is it closer to doomsday than on the Korean peninsula, where two nuclear-armed enemies — North Korea and the United States with its South Korean ally — face each other across the tense Demilitarised Zone (DMZ).

Testing a bomb, firing missiles, hurling bloody rhetoric: North Korea has done it all in recent months. Last week it withdrew from the armistice that ended the Korean War 60 years ago. In reaction, America is bolstering its anti-missile defences.

Are North Korea’s threats real or just for show? Could it all go wrong and lead to nuclear war? Yes it could and this is how. The following scenario is fiction but it’s based on fact.


video link http://www.thesundaytimes.co.uk/sto/newsreview/features/article1230459.ece#ooid=Y0Z2U2YTr20bmeWp9mQzy7WbpDhRM6Qo

VIDEO North Korean madness-Ooyala Master HQ Quality Based.mp4

Day One: North Korea’s new leader, Kim Jong-un, 29, visits an army unit on Wolnae island off his west coast. The soldiers are training to storm the South Korean island of Baeknyeong, six miles away. He exhorts them to “steel their hearts”. On the way back to Pyongyang, army chief Choe Ryong-hae and defence minister Kim Kyok-sik warn the young Kim that people think he is weak. They defy him to prove them wrong. The three decide on a calculated act of aggression to show that the plump trainee dictator is the real thing.

Day Two: North Korean artillery opens up on Baeknyeong island. Under a curtain of shellfire, North Korean speedboats race across the West Sea. Black-clad special forces leap ashore screaming slogans. They massacre the small garrison of South Korean conscripts. The red banner flies over Baeknyeong.

In Seoul, President Park Geun-hye, a conservative, agrees to her generals’ advice that they must hit back. Park’s mother was murdered by a North Korean assassin. Her father, who ruled as a military dictator in the 1960s and 1970s, was shot dead by his own spy chief. The South Koreans have an iron lady in command.

They send F-15 fighter bombers of the 102nd Squadron and F-16 fighters of the 161st Squadron to strike deep into North Korea. Two reserve tank bases and military tunnel networks are left in ruins. No planes are lost. Enraged, the North Korean generals give Kim an ultimatum: fight now or face a coup. The Chinese ambassador to Pyongyang tries to call on Kim but is refused an audience.

As night falls in Beijing, Xi Jinping, China’s new leader, calls President Barack Obama, warning him to stay out of it. Xi reminds him that China is North Korea’s ally. On the telephone Obama is noncommittal. Afterwards he turns to his security “principals” for urgent advice. Secretary of defence Chuck Hagel and secretary of state John Kerry, both Vietnam veterans, hate the thought of war. National security adviser Tom Donilon tries to finesse the options. None is any good. The message the Chinese get: the Americans are dithering.

There is no hesitation in Tokyo, where the cabinet convenes a crisis meeting with Japan’s Self-Defence Forces. A black limousine conveys the nationalist prime minister Shinzo Abe to the Imperial Palace late that night.

Day Three: Asia awakes to the news that Japan has suspended article 9 of its 1947 constitution — the clause renouncing the use of war.

In the morning rush hour, a salvo of North Korean rockets and shells slams into the posh suburb of Gangnam in the South Korean capital of Seoul, 35 miles from the DMZ that separates the South from the North. Hundreds die, including the YouTube rapper Psy.

The South Koreans scramble their F-15 Slam Eagles. Copying an Israeli plan, they target party buildings in Pyongyang and a giant statue of Kim Il-sung, the founder of North Korea.

By lunchtime the South Korean and Japanese stock markets have collapsed, oil is $250 a barrel and gold soars to $2,500 an ounce.

South Korea orders all nuclear reactors to be shut down and secured. Foreign nationals mob the air and sea ports to get out.

A cyberattack traced to Shandong, in eastern China, shuts down the South Korean air traffic control system and blocks some reactor controls. South Korea’s nerds, however, can out-geek the Chinese any day. The world’s most wired society is soon online again.

At the White House, an aide comes in to see Donilon with the news that former President Bill Clinton, who has been to North Korea, is offering to use his famous charm on Kim. Donilon rolls his eyes.

Obama tries to phone Kim, remembering that basketball icon Dennis Rodman, who has been to North Korea more recently, said Kim just wanted a call. The White House cannot get through.

Another aide comes in to see Donilon. Former President Jimmy Carter, who went to North Korea ages ago, is offering to meet Kim for prayer and dialogue. Donilon rolls his eyes again.

When it comes to Pyongyang there are no back channels to warn Kim of impending disaster as events get out of his control.

Mid-afternoon sees Aegis-class destroyers and frigates of the Japanese navy at sea off North Korea. It is an exercise they have done before. Their orders are to shoot down any missiles heading for Japan. Chinese state television and radio break into scheduled programmes to broadcast a hardline statement warning Japan off.

As mobs take to the streets in Chinese cities, Obama places a call to Xi, who gives permission for an airlift of 120,000 Japanese citizens out of China. Hotel rooms in Hong Kong and Taipei fetch $1,000 a night.





In a Skype call the Swedish ambassador in Pyongyang tells his ministry in Stockholm that he sees tanks and rocket-launchers in the streets. Then North Korean television goes off the air. All communications are cut.

Locked in a White House crisis meeting, Obama calls the leaders of China, Japan, Russia and France. After Kerry reminds him, he calls David Cameron as well.

At sunset a train carrying the ambassadors of Russia, Iran and Syria crosses the metal girder bridge from North Korea to the Chinese city of Dandong. Television crews are banned from filming the six metal freight cars coupled to it.

The United States finally goes on alert. Planes roar off the carrier USS George Washington in the Sea of Japan and 28,500 US troops line up with their exhausted South Korean allies at the DMZ.

In the darkness new US X-band radars in Taiwan and Japan detect dozens of Chinese warplanes patrolling the eastern seaboard of China. All civilian air traffic in northeast Asia ceases. The evacuation flights of the Japanese are grounded, stranding 87,000 in hostile land.

In Beijing the stocky Xi collapses during a late-night meeting of the supreme seven- man standing committee of the politburo. His blood pressure is 180/120 — a hypertensive emergency.

The meeting goes on without him but junior member Zhang Dejiang, an economist trained in North Korea, takes the lead in the discussion.

Day Four: in the early hours China’s retired “security tsar”, Zhou Yongkang, is awakened at his luxurious Beijing villa. A black Audi takes him to the politburo, where a red telephone sits on a desk. Would he please try to call Kim?

Zhou obliges. He gets the North Korean secret police chief. They chat about old times but, sorry, Kim is watching a Mickey Mouse movie.

In South Korea President Park is asleep. Before going to bed she authorised all necessary defences and took a sleeping pill. But Kim is on amphetamines and gets in first: he gives the order for the all-out bombardment of Seoul. At dawn 5,000 guns fire from emplacements hidden for decades in tunnels and pits.

Kim has miscalculated — again. Damage is heavy but casualties are light because most civilians are spending the night in shelters. The Americans and South Koreans pour back a barrage of fire.

North Korean tanks and suicide squads charge across barbed wire and mines at the DMZ. They are wiped out. The Kim dynasty, set up with Stalin’s support, is tottering.

In Pyongyang Kim’s uncle and mentor, Jang Song-thaek, shoots himself with a bodyguard’s pistol. Kim hears the shot down the corridor of his bunker: his generals confront him.

Russian eavesdroppers pick up a one-word command on a tapped copper telephone cable from the bunker beneath Kim Il-sung’s mausoleum. The bug was planted by the KGB in the 1970s. Amazingly, it still works.

Three minutes later President Vladimir Putin calls Obama on the hotline. He warns of imminent catastrophe. Voice steely, Putin pledges that “Russia, with our long Christian heritage, will never put civilisation in peril”.

Obama addresses the nation from the Oval Office, saying the supreme national interests of the United States are at stake. While he speaks, the White House tries to call Xi, but a voice at the Zhongnanhai leadership compound in Beijing says Xi is not available.

Analysts at the US National Security Agency detect a flash at North Korea’s “civilian satellite” launch pad on the remote northeast coast.

One minute and 16 seconds later a flash and a mushroom cloud are seen over the Yongsan district of Seoul, where the giant US military headquarters — with its extensive housing and schools for the families of service personnel — has been since the 1950s.

In the White House situation room all eyes are on Obama. He . . .

SO IS it really five minutes to midnight? Last week Henry Kissinger, the former secretary of state, told a trusted contact, David Ignatius of The Washington Post, that “there is now a real danger of an accident, incident or miscalculation on the Korean peninsula”.

Is America prepared? No. As in the fictional scenario, the Americans seem to be vaguely hoping that the Chinese will do something about it.

Kissinger, who led the US opening to China, thinks Donilon, the national security adviser, must forge a strategic plan with Beijing about what to do in a crisis.

The CIA, like MI6 and the Chinese ministry of state security, is short on facts that it will reveal to the public.

In recent weeks South Korean intelligence briefings to lawmakers, which inevitably leak, have sown confusion about what the South knows. So here are a few facts.

The North Koreans have a bomb. Eleven years ago a western intelligence officer, a physicist by training, sat in a smoke-filled bar in Seoul and explained in detail why he thought the North Koreans could probably do it.

In 2006 they invited Siegfried Hecker, a top American nuclear weapons scientist, to hold a piece of their plutonium, the vital ingredient of a small bomb. It was heavy and slightly warm.

“I held the plutonium and it passed the test,” Hecker said later.

The director of the Yongbyon nuclear research reactor had told him it was “good bomb-grade plutonium”, he added.

Jeffrey Park, of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, says that on February 12 this year — barely four weeks ago — a seismological station in Mudanjiang, China, had picked up a telltale seismic “P wave” shock of 5.1 magnitude, indicating a man-made explosion underground. It was North Korea’s third nuclear test.

“The yield of the 2013 test was more than three times larger than the yield of the 2009 test and more than 15 times larger than the yield of the 2006 test,” Park writes in the bulletin, which was founded by former members of the original Manhattan atomic bomb project to warn of the nuclear threat to humanity.

So Kim is building a better bomb. North Korea called the February 12 device “small and powerful”. It also tested a new long-range ballistic missile on December 12.

As Kim knows, America’s first atomic bombs were so big that they needed a giant aircraft, the B-29, to carry them. There is no chance that a vintage North Korean bomber could make it past the world’s most sophisticated air defences around Seoul. But a missile might.

The claim could be a bluff. “Miniaturising” a device is incredibly difficult. America’s Manhattan project almost failed until it called on a White Russian genius, George Kistiakowsky, to cast the precision explosives around the plutonium core that turned the Nagasaki bomb from a big bang into an atomic flash.

Today’s missile warheads require machining to micro- tolerances that the North Koreans may not achieve.

“If this is proven,” writes Victor Cha, who was point man for Korea on George W Bush’s national security council and is now at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, “then they will have crossed another technological threshold.”

Bluffing can be lethal. “Saddam Hussein showed the world how easy it can be for a secretive government to persuade world leaders . . . that it possesses weapons of mass destruction,” Park observes.

Yet ambiguity is also a weapon in the dictator’s arsenal — and, as Iraq showed, it poses a dilemma for his foes.

The bad news, say critics of the Obama administration, is that North Korea is a blueprint for American failure that sets a terrible precedent for Iran, which says its atoms are for peace but won’t let the world see what it has.

The good news, say administration officials, is that the North Koreans are rational and they are vulnerable to Chinese pressure.

The White House has seized on statements by Communist party officials in Beijing suggesting that China might dump its ally of 60 years.

“You’re starting to see them recalculate and say: you know what? This is starting to get out of hand,” Obama said on ABC News last week.

MAYBE. One fact in my doomsday scenario is that Zhou Yongkang, the retired chief of Chinese state security who is asked to call Pyongyang, was the godfather to Kim Jong-un’s succession.

Zhou was the only foreigner standing on the podium in Pyongyang on the day that Kim’s father, Kim Jong-il, led his son out to roars of applause as the anointed heir to the world’s only hereditary Stalinist dictatorship.

Zhou is known to believe that the Kim regime is stable. His opinion still counts. China’s relations with North Korea are influenced by the army, the Communist party’s international department and the hardliners like Zhou. The diplomats at the foreign ministry do not count for much.

As a result, even though China signed up to United Nations sanctions, they are not rigidly enforced. Trucks and trains rumble across the iron bridge at Dandong night and day with scant customs checks. China supplies 80% of North Korea’s energy and 45% of its food.

China’s new boss Xi (who, as far as we know, is a healthy 59-year-old with no blood pressure problems) may have the power to change course. It hasn’t happened yet.

All Chinese leaders deeply fear a reunited, capitalist, democratic Korea, allied to the United States, on their border.

What do the North Koreans themselves want?

“Under no circumstances will North Korea under the leadership of the Kim family relinquish its nuclear weapons — and this family might stay in control for decades,” says Andrei Lankov, who looks at the “Hermit Kingdom” from a unique perspective.

A rumpled, chain-smoking Russian academic, Lankov studied at Kim Il-sung University in Pyongyang and now peppers the policy debate with biting contributions, often composed in coffee shops in Seoul near his present campus.

The North Koreans look at Saddam and Muammar Gadaffi as examples of why they are right, he says. The nukes are a deterrent, a diplomatic tool and a propaganda asset. What’s to trade?

Lankov argues that Pyongyang’s denuclearisation is a dream and the best that can be hoped for is a negotiated settlement under which North Korea’s existing weapons would be safeguarded and it would not build any more.

Any such deal would also sever its links with Iran and stop the two “axis of evil” states collaborating on nuclear bombs and missiles. North Korea could then reform its economy.

“The ideal destination for Kim Jong-un & co is, of course, a Chinese-style ‘developmental dictatorship’. It will keep its nuclear weapons but will be less willing to engage in provocative behaviour,” Lankov believes.

That is politically unacceptable to the United States and its allies, who face hard decisions on Iran within 18 months and cannot risk creating a precedent.

In a bizarre example of globalisation, the fate of a reclusive Asian dictatorship is linked to the fate of us all.

“We should be ready for trouble,” Lankov warned in a prescient paper last autumn. “A reforming North Korea will likely be very unstable and might collapse. Worse still, collapse is likely to come with little to no warning. Among other things, it may provoke unnecessary confrontation between America and China.”

Obama does not agree. “We may slowly be in a position where we’re able to force a recalculation on the part of the North Koreans,” he said.

If he is right, then catastrophe scenarios can stay where they belong — in the realms of airport fiction. But what if he’s wrong?

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Zechariah 12:3,9:
And in that day will I make Jerusalem a burdensome stone for all people; And it shall come to pass in that day, that I will seek to destroy all the nations that come against Jerusalem.


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