EPRDF REVIEWING AND CORRECTING ITS SHORTCOMINGS

By Mathza



I would like to take this opportunity to congratulate EPRDF for its election victory and for initiating, facilitating and conducting, against all odds (accommodating the whims of oppositions CUD and UEDF with magnanimity), a free and fair election. That this was the case was confirmed by the African Union observers who, among others, said “the elections [were] free and fair…really the claims they [the oppositions] had were grossly exaggerated… the riots that led to the deaths of people were indeed organized by the opposition – there’s no doubt about that.” The European Union and United States observers are likely to declare likewise in their final reports. This victory augurs well for the continued implementation of EPRDF policies, strategies, on-going and planned development activities, etc. that may be expected to lead to the take-off stage of development in the country within the foreseeable future. My congratulations also go to EPRDF’s affiliates. This exemplary election has made Ethiopia, a country with the least democratic experience (lacking functioning administration inherited from colonialists), to be the future model for other African countries. I would not be surprised if many of those who were duped to vote for the opposition now have a second thought after witnessing EPRDF’s exemplary handling of the election with magnanimity as well as the childish behavior of the oppositions.



It should be noted here that, even at this late hour, the oppositions have rejected the results of the election as well as participation in re-run elections. These are flimsy cover ups for their failure to win the election which the CUD leader had guaranteed. Flip-flopping is a consistent characteristic of the oppositions. CUD’s latest shift in position overnight is reversing its categorical declaration that it will not resort to bring its complaint to the court. Unashamedly, the oppositions want to join EPRDF to form a Coalition Government or a Government of National Unity which, according to the constitution and legal experts, are illegal. True to their shifting stratagems, tactics, lame excuses, etc. that we have witnessed so many times, their latest designation for their proposal is a National Unity and Reconciliation Transitional Government, another flip-flopping. Apparently, their option, if they cannot share power, is to use a lame excuse, their constitutional right to protest, meaning to incite violence and political crisis as they did about three months ago in order to snatch power which they covet so much.



Let me now proceed to the subject matter of the article. As the saying goes, to err is human. This I suppose is or should be admitted by all people for it is practically impossible to find a person who has not made mistakes during his/her life time. Many of us judge others by standards which we do not apply on ourselves. This is particularly the case when it comes to governments and their officials. We tend to exaggerate their failings. We use all kinds of adjectives to describe their mistakes. We overlook the conditions under which the mistakes were made. We tend not to give the benefit of doubt when indications say so. We do not distinguish between genuine and careless and intentional mistakes. All said and done, when they fail to perform the way they are expected we should not condone their flaws, faults, failings, actions or behaviors. We should criticize them and demand proper actions should be taken against them provided their failings are due to neglect or done intentionally.



In their attempt to win the electorate it is acceptable for parties to ferret out and expose the weaknesses and shortcomings of competing party/parties. During the Ethiopian election, CUD and UEDF went overboard in doing this vis-à-vis EPRDF, the governing party. As has been found out many of their exposures were lies, fabrications and exaggerations. All three, for example, were evident in the incessant allegations of rampant vote irregularities, particularly ERPDF stealing votes, immediately following the election. Repeat and new allegations continued to surface unabated while the previous allegations were being assessed and corrective measures, when found necessary, were being taken on both oppositions’ and EPRDF’s complaints. A small fraction of the oppositions’ complaints were found deserving corrective actions proving their accusations were grossly exaggerated. This was the opposite in regard to EPRDF’s complaints. So who stole votes? There is no government in the world that is immune to fault. The ruling party’s admission of its weaknesses, mistakes and shortcomings, both before (during the renewal period and run-up to the election) and post election should be commended. This is the right thing to do. It is part of transparency in a democratic system. Because of lessons learnt from past mistakes during the election, EPRDF is listening to the people and their interests and demands. It has already started to introduce corrective measures aimed at meeting the demand of the people in education, taxation, land lease, etc. It is doing this based on feedback; information ferreted through its interaction with the public and evaluation of its policies and strategies. The recent start of the functioning of the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and Ombudsman will strengthen the government’s resolve to improve its service to its citizens.



Unfortunately, the acknowledgement of its weaknesses, mistakes and shortcomings confirmed what the opposition was alleging ad infinitum and emboldened the opposition parties to be increasingly reckless. It enabled them to easily hoodwink the people by capitalizing on the allegations. They interpreted such transparency as weakness on the part of the government. They also took advantage of the weakness of the government in public relations. Instead of publicizing its achievements in the political, social and economic sectors the government relies on its deeds believing that actions speak louder than words. Its policy in regard to public relations, it appears, was based on the assumption that the results of its endeavors would speak for themselves. It expected the public to notice and appreciate its efforts, activities, achievements, etc. The results of the election do not seem to support such an assumption.



In responding to criticisms (where comprehensive response was warranted) during the debates with the oppositions it failed to present detailed replies in regard to questions targeted at some of its policies, failures, shortcomings, etc. For example, the opposition, in one of the debates, argued that the farmer does not develop his holding because he does not have proof that he holds it. The EPRDF failed to refer to and elaborate on the

ownership registration that has been and is going on. The price of fertilizers is another area where the opposition could have scored a point in as far as the farmer is concerned. Why is it that the EPRDF did not elaborate on the continuing escalating prices in the world and what elements constitute in the pricing of fertilizers, including escalating cost of oil and transport?



EPRDF also has been failing to respond to wrong-doings and failures alleged by the private media, the opposition, the Diaspora and individuals. Readers and listeners have no way of corroborating what they read and hear. No response means admittance. It is quite possible that this lack of response could have negatively affected the peoples’ perception of EPRDF resulting in loss of votes to the opposition. Groups and persons disseminating false and trouble inciting information should be held responsible and taken to court as the Ministry of Defense did recently. The legal action being taken in a US court against four Diaspora Ethiopians alleging many high Ethiopian officials of stashing money from the national treasury in their personal bank accounts in foreign countries is another good example of measures the government should continue to take.



The government has the tendency of not informing the public of the myriads of constraints -- during and after the transition from command economy to free market economy -- it had to face when planning and implementing its priority programs and projects. The people have to be educated on how the government functions and the difficulties and problems it encounters. At the risk of repeating the obvious, some of the constraints that the government should, now and then, bring to the attention of the people are listed in an annex.*



The ordinary person does not know or understand the implications of the above constraints. The government should explain to the public in simple language how the above factors negatively impact sustainable development; and that it is much more complex than the simple picture painted by the opposition parties in order to score cheap political victory. In the rural area, where access to the people, both physically and through the media is difficult, the tens of thousands of agricultural and health extension agents could do this. They should be trained and provided with information and materials they need to educate the farming population.



From the barrage of unsubstantiated oppositions’ criticisms leveled at the EPRDF and the government, the average person is made to feel that the problems haunting Ethiopia are peculiar to it. This is not true. Most of the problems are common to other developing countries. Up to the oil crises in early 1970s all African countries were doing well socially and economically. The standard of living of their people was rising. Following the crises these deteriorated and as a result most of them are poorer now. Unfortunately, Ethiopia happened to be one of them, and the hardest hit at that, mainly because of its administrative system evolving from a feudal one. A person with an open mind would, under such circumstance, conclude things could get worse before they get better. The commendable progress made in democratization and social and economic development is an indication that the country is undergoing through the process of transition from worse to better. This being the fact, opposition would not want us to hear and know that the above and subsequent oil crises explain a good part of the Ethiopian predicament. What is surprising is that the government itself is silent on this.



EPRDF would have fared better during the election had people been exposed to and made aware of the above factors and how the constraints affected performance, not only under EPRDF but also under any other ruling political party.



Three lessons, hopefully, learned by EPRDF during pre- and post-election as well as during the election are:

(1) the need and importance of strengthening public relations, (2) the need of informing and educating the public of what is involved in program and project planning, implementation and operation, including the role of constraining factors, and (3) responding to false information disseminated by opposition parties, the

private media, organizations and individuals.



An informed public of government actions to be taken and progress made and results obtained coupled with refutation of misinformation is likely to be in a better position to understand and support EPRDF in the future.

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* Annex: some constraints relevant to Ethiopian conditions which Ethiopians should be made aware of:



A. People related impediments

1. High population growth rate resulting in stagnating GDP per capita, increasing pressure on land and contributing to the food crisis,

2. Devastation of HIV/AIDS on the productive youth,

3. High illiteracy rate,

4. Shortage of trained and dedicated manpower,

5. Deep rooted social and cultural values and norms not in tune with modern perception,

6. Difficult and time consuming crucial changes in the attitude of the people, and

7. Sabotaging government activities by disgruntled civil servants with nostalgia for previous regimes.



B. Lack/inadequate resources

1. Very low GDP and government revenue,

2. Lowest per capita aid incapable of making the desired difference in development,

3. Negligible savings/capital formation necessitating foreign aid and investment,

4. Very high negative trade (export-import) balance,

5. Diverting resources to fend off Eritrean aggression and fight disruptive separatists/liberation fronts,

6. Opposition and individuals entreating donors not to give aid to Ethiopia, and

7. Oppositions and individuals negatively influencing the Ethiopian Diaspora no to invest in Ethiopia.



C. Natural disasters

1. Devastating drought with increasing frequency, and

2. Other disasters: deforestation, flooding, severe and worsening land erosion, over-cultivation, over-grazing, and pest infestations.



D. Governance

1. Evolving system of administration (from feudal),

2. Civil servants lacking adequate understanding of work, work ethics and responsibility, and

3. Corruption.



E. World economic order

1. Negative impact of globalization,

2. Very steep rise in import prices, including fertilizers and petroleum products, and

3. Fluctuating and declining export commodity prices.



F. Others

1. Extreme poverty,

2. High rate of unemployment, and

3. Negative impact of unstable neighboring and other hostile countries.