The Ethiopian Democracy: Lack of Clear Strategy

It is very sad to see so many people waste time and energy on matters that they have so little understanding and on sheer assumptions. I for one do not know who is an honest and who is a dishonest leader in the Ethiopian opposition. One has to have facts to comment on such matters. The real issue is this: why do our leaders take different positions on a given issue? We can scream and insult all day long, but so long as we are not talking about the basic strategy of the movement, we will never shed light on positions of leaders and personalities. In my humble view, there are two basic ways of going about winning – (1) reforming the existing ethnocratic system towards democratization, and (2) building and leading people power to execute a peaceful democratic revolution of the East European type. Our democratic resistance is passing through a critical transition and we must use the available time wisely. rather than squander it on name calling and insulting our leaders. Where do we go from here?

First: The national leadership question. The Ethiopian democratic (resistance) has needed and still needs a national leadership council consisting of party and civic organization leaders as well as non-affiliated individuals of diverse views and skills. This council should not be only advisory. It should act as a supreme unified voice of the movement.

Second: The National Organizing Question - Party Politics and Civic Movements. Unification and merger of parties must be carried out as soon as possible if we want to win. CUD must become a single unitary party. Hibret has to become a single party. Party unity will define party structure and the structure of the national democratic resistance as well as the structure of the electoral geography. Civic organization needs to take their central position in the democratic revolution. The national civic movement also needs to be built into a coordinated resistance as soon as possible. In my view, CUD, Hibret, and other opposition parties need to form a more unified and singular position; that is, if they want to win.

Three: 'Unite To Win', ‘Divide to Lose’ - Unity of the People Power. A peaceful democratic resistance can not win without a huge nation-wide unity, unity at many levels - unity of purpose, program, unity of strategy and methods, unity of party organization, unity of civic groups and civic movements, unity of resistance, and national unity of the people under one color, under one flag. To many people, this may sound a boring cliché but it must be repeated that unity is to peaceful revolution as energy is to physics. Without a huge enduring united resistance, there will be no people power, hence democratic victory.

Four: Planned Action: Sure, the essence of the democratic resistance is people power - actions and strikes by the people - but it is always planned and organized action. The national leadership, party leadership, and civic leadership needs to make sure popular resistance actions are planned and lead with clearly known outcome. Every mass action does not have to be organized and led by a party or a group, but every act must be a part of the national resistance.

Five: Persistence, Consistency and Integrity. Party and civic leaders must have integrity and live according to their words. If they hold a non-violent method of struggle, then they must state their views as such and stick to their plan. Firm and compelling leadership is a must. We hold leaders to practice what they preach. People like firm leaders. If a leader holds a non-reformist resistance method of struggle, then he must organize and lead the people accordingly rather than waste his time and energy fighting those leaders who want to use reformist strategy. The fruitless confusion between Lidetu and Berhanu is a case in point. In my view even if those 180 or so elected representatives join the Meles government, other leaders of the opposition must organize and lead a people power revolution against the tyrannical regime. The reformist loyal opposition representatives can decide how they want to support the national resistance. What the Ethiopian people do not wish to see is a destructive fight and splits between and among opposition leaders. To do so can only serve the purpose of the Woyane regime.

Winning election is only part of the fight. We could win election and end up with a messy political situation. We now have time to build a truly unified, national, and successful democratic revolution. But, the core mantra must be 'Unite to Win’...

What is this talk about loyal opposition. How can you be loyal to a regime that breaks its own law every step of the way. If you wish to be a loyal opposition to the fascist regime, then you have to do what they allow you to do. If they say to you, you can not go on a demonstration, you obey their rule and do as you are told. That is how the Woyane fascsits like it. They expect you to obey their law, and at the same time they do what they like including murder.

Takethat:

To my understanding, when the elected opposition representatives accept the existing Meles constitution and join the Meles congress, I call them loyal opposition. I did not say and never imply that they can bring democracy through such a strategy. But it is one of the existing strategies which some elected reps may choose to follow. My point is even if such an event happens, other leaders and non-loyal elected reps must begin to organize and lead the peope power resistance. What I hate to see is good concerned people wasting time and resources fighting the loyal opposition or the non-resolute leaders. Those people are not the central focus of our resistance. Focus, Focus, Focus...